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It’s estimated that between 1,000 and 1,200 settlers surrounded the village, and around 500 stormed it just after midday local time on Friday, blocking all the roads in the area.
According to Abu-Alia [head of the village council], the Israeli military arrived at the scene at around 3 p.m. local time, but did not stop the settlers from attacking the village. Instead, Israeli soldiers allowed them to raid homes, prevented Palestinian residents from moving around and blocked ambulances from reaching the injured, he alleged.
Israeli security forces had informed Palestinian officials that the settlers were looking for an Israeli teenager who had gone missing earlier in the day.
False. A significant number of these Palestinian Arabs are members of the IDF, and there is no second-class citizenship in Israel. The Israeli government also does not prohibit employment based on race, ethnicity, or religious affiliation. Calling Israel “apartheid” is a tankie talking point and is observably and patently false. Do better.
False again. A few token Bedouins in the IDF does not whitewash the de facto and de jure discrimination, or the many laws on the books that relegate Arabs as second-class citizens. Even Netanyahu himself has said that Jewish citizens are superior to non-Jewish citizens and his 2018 Nation-State Law spells that out.
The Israeli military has a policy where Arabs can never be promoted to be Air Force pilots regardless of qualification or recommendations. It’s known as Glass Ceiling.
But since you have such trouble believing this, let me list a few laws:
The Citizenship and Entry Law (2003) bans family unification in Israel between Arab Israelis and their spouses from the Palestinian Territories, Iran, Syria, Lebanon or Iraq. In contrast, Jewish Israelis can bring their spouses over without issue.
The Benefits for Discharged Soldiers Law (2008) allows all institutions of higher education to consider military service – from which Arab Israelis are exempt for historical and political reasons –when determining applicants’ eligibility for financial assistance.
The Economic Efficiency Law (2009) gives the government sweeping discretion to designate “National Priority Areas” and to allocate vast resources for their development, which it does so in a way that systematically excludes Arab communities.
The Admissions Committees Law (2011) allows hundreds of small towns built on state land to select applicants based on their “social suitability”. The law is used in practice to filter out Arab Israelis and members of other marginalized groups.
The Nakba Law (2011) strips state funding from any public entity, including educational institutions, that commemorates the Nakba.
The Expulsion Law (2016) allows for the expulsion of Arab Knesset Members by their peers on ideological grounds, based on majority claims that they incite racism or support terror. That law is not used against Jewish Extremists like Ben-Gvir.
The Kaminitz Law (2017) increases enforcement and penalization of planning and building offenses. The law has a disparate impact on Arab Israelis, many of whom are forced to build illegally due to decades of discrimination by the planning and building system.
The Jewish Nation-State Law (2018) guarantees the ethnic-religious character of Israel as exclusively Jewish, denies the right to self-determination of Arab Israelis, and entrenches the privileges enjoyed by Jewish citizens, while simultaneously anchoring systemic inequality, discrimination and racism.